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Whoever doesn't HOP must be Superior: The Russian left-periphery and the Emergence of Superiority

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dc.contributor.advisor Bailyn, John F. en_US
dc.contributor.author Scott, Tatiana en_US
dc.contributor.other Department of Linguistics en_US
dc.date.accessioned 2013-05-22T17:35:33Z
dc.date.accessioned 2015-04-24T14:47:26Z
dc.date.available 2013-05-22T17:35:33Z
dc.date.available 2015-04-24T14:47:26Z
dc.date.issued 2012-12-01 en_US
dc.identifier Scott_grad.sunysb_0771E_11254 en_US
dc.identifier.uri http://hdl.handle.net/1951/59856 en_US
dc.identifier.uri http://hdl.handle.net/11401/71406 en_US
dc.description 218 pgs en_US
dc.description.abstract This dissertation maps the left-periphery of the Russian language, presenting a new geometry of Russian main and subordinate clauses in order to account for a number of phenomena: single and multiple wh-constructions, sluicing constructions, and coordinate multiple wh-constructions (CMW), as well as to predict various occurring word-orders. Interestingly, the theory for these constructions comes from a proposed unique wh-unrelated category, the Higher Operator Phrase (HOP), located higher than CP, which allows the aforementioned phenomena to fall out of the proposed structure. The thesis claims that Russian exhibits `true' wh-movement and is similar to Bulgarian in Rudin's 1988 typology, with a strong [+wh] feature on each wh-phrase, forcing it to be in the specifier of CP. Superiority holds, and emerges in various contexts in Russian; though its effects may be masked in the main clause by the ability of any wh to raise further (to SpecHOP). There is an asymmetry with respect to surface Superiority in matrix vs. embedded clauses: Superiority emerges in embedded clauses, and in main clauses whenever HOP is overtly occupied by a non-wh-phrase. The asymmetry falls out of the theoretical assumption that the HOP position is available in matrix clauses only. These conclusions give a rise to a re-analysis of sluicing in Russian as a wh-phenomenon where Superiority also emerges as it does in coordinate wh constructions (CMW). The analysis of CMW presented in this work is based on existing accounts utilizing sideward movement (Nunes 2001) and a coordination phrase (ConjP/&P) (Zoerner 1995, Gribanova 2009, Citko & Gračanin-Yuksek 2010). Finally, the thesis addresses the issue of what can occupy the head position of HOP. This gives rise to a discussion of Topicalization properties of this (HOP) position. It is shown how a topic-marking particle "-TO" can occur in this position, and adds to the evidence for the existence of this position. As a result, it illustrates how various wh- and other word order constructions can be uniformly analyzed with this unique structure. en_US
dc.description.sponsorship This work is sponsored by the Stony Brook University Graduate School in compliance with the requirements for completion of degree. en_US
dc.format Monograph en_US
dc.format.medium Electronic Resource en_US
dc.language.iso en_US en_US
dc.publisher The Graduate School, Stony Brook University: Stony Brook, NY. en_US
dc.subject.lcsh Linguistics--Language--Cognitive psychology en_US
dc.subject.other Coordinated wh-movement, Pragmatics, Slavic Linguistics, Superiority, Syntax, Wh-movement processing en_US
dc.title Whoever doesn't HOP must be Superior: The Russian left-periphery and the Emergence of Superiority en_US
dc.type Dissertation en_US
dc.mimetype Application/PDF en_US
dc.contributor.committeemember Finer, Daniel L en_US
dc.contributor.committeemember Larson, Richard K en_US
dc.contributor.committeemember den Dikken, Marcel en_US

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